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Jane Austen & Religion

This webpage functions mainly as the appendix for Chapter 3; however, references to this page might also occur in other chapters.

Ch3/1a: Austen as a Believing Christian

When reading the biographies written about Austen, one gets the impression that she was a devout woman. Here are some examples thereof:

Jane Austen's nephew and biographer, James Edward Austen-Leigh, assertains in his A memoir of Jane Austen that

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I do not venture to speak of her religious principles: that is a subject on which she herself was more inclined to think and act  than to talk, and I shall imitate her reserve; satisfied to have shown how much of Christian love and humility abounded in her heart, without presuming to lay bare the roots whence those graces grew.[i]

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[i] Austen-Leigh, A Memoir of Jane Austen, 79, 80.

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However, Austen herself did also refer to religious subjects in her letters.

Letter 114. To  Fanny Knight                                                      Wednesday 30 November 1814

I cannot suppose we differ in our ideas of the Christian Religion. You have given an excellent description of it. We only affix different meaning to the Word Evangelical. [i]

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[i] Le Faye, Jane Austen’s Letters, 300.

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Letter 161/C). To  ?Frances Tilson                                            ?Wednesday 28/Thursday 29 May 1817

On this subject I will say only further that my dearest sister, my tender, watchful, indefatigable nurse, has not been made ill by her exertions. As to what I owe to her, and to the anxious affection of all my beloved family on this occasion, I can only cry over it, and pray to God to bless them more and more. [...] But I am getting too near complaint. It has been the appointment of God, however secondary causes may have operated.... [i]

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[i] Le Faye, Jane Austen’s Letters, 358, 359.

It is also recorded in Jane Austen – a family record that Austen’s brothers, Revd. Henry A. and Revd. James A. were constantly in attendance in Jane Austen’s final days, and that she made a point of receiving Holy Communion from them while she was strong enough to follow the service with full attention.[i]

It furthermore states that on the 27th June 1817, Caroline Austen (one of Jane Austen’s nieces) records upon being briefed by Mary Lloyd that

‘… my Aunt’s resignation and composure of spirit were such, as those who knew her well, would have hoped for and expected – She was a humble and believing Christian; [ii]

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[i]  Austen-Leigh, Austen-Leigh, and Le Faye, Jane Austen, 226.

[ii] Austen-Leigh, Austen-Leigh, and Le Faye, 226, 227.

The degree of Austen's devotion might be guesswork, but Roger E. Moore has written an interesting chapter on Austen and religion in A Companion to Jane Austen (please see Ch3/1b).

Ch3/1b: Roger E. Moore's Chapter No. 27 on Religion

In Roger E. Moore’s chapter on Jane Austen and religion, he introduces us to his view on Austen and her view on religion. The following contains a brief summary of his text in A Companion to Jane Austen; this summing up is based on the pages 314-322.

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Roger E. Moore, writes that 'Jane Austen knew a great deal about religion,'[i] and he reminds us that Austen lived for the first 25 years of her life in a country parsonage in Steventon parish where her father was the rector. Further, her eldest brother, James, and her favourite brother, Henry, took holy orders; Moore paints a picture of the Steventon parsonage being the scene of much discussion and religious debate. Moore continues to suggest that on Sundays Austen would have attended Morning and Evening Prayer services, and he also points to the fact that Austen’s History of England  ‘betrays a lively interest with Anglican liturgy.’[ii] In his contribution to A Companion to Jane Austen, he writes that Austen’s ‘novels demonstrate a sustained, if subdued, interest in religion that suggests Austen’s engagement with the ideas, controver-sies, and events of the eighteenth-century English church,’ (p.314) which supports Caroline Austen’s words regarding her aunt (please see Ch3/1a).

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Moore writes, for example, that in the eighteenth century, the Church of England was a battleground between a conservative faction desperate to defend tradition and a liberal faction urging change; the latter believed that they were fulfilling the goals of the Reformation by removing the last forms of superstition and credalism from the Church. In opposition to this was the High Church Tories, who sought preservation of the creeds and priestly authority. Later on, in the Austen’s time, an evangelical faction rose who rejected both the Tories and the liberals (also called the latitudinarians). These Evangelicals revered old fashioned Calvinistic austerity.

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Moore rhetorically asks where Austen might be positioned in this religious debate. He states that her letters seem to indicate that, as she grew older, Austen came to sympathise with the evangelicals. In her letter (Letter 70) of January 24th, 1809, (Letter 66, p.177)[iii] she writes to Cassandra, her sister, that ‘I do not like the Evangelicals’, whereas she writes to Fanny Knight on the 18th - 20th November, 1814, (Letter 109, p.292)[iv] that ‘I am by no means convinced that we ought not all to be Evangelicals, & am at least persuaded that they who are so from Reason and Feeling, must be happiest & safest.’

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Moore goes on to mention that critics such as Marilyn Butler have noted  evangelicalistic influence in Mansfield Park, as the novel addresses clerical non-residence and patronage and its questioning of the potentially corrupting effect of theatrical entertainments. Moore, on the other hand, feels that her novels differ from the evangelical faith by giving hardly no rein to Calvinism, but instead her novels suggest a faith in the goodness of humankind and stress the possibility of personal improvement. Moore reminds us of Emma Woodhouse who discovers her own faults and limitations and begins to change; Emma’s ‘travel’ thus indicates Austen’s belief in human effort.

Moore points out that John Locke, who was very influential within eighteenth-century theology, advo-cated the simplicity and rationality of Christianity; he and his like-minded ‘colleagues’ visualised the Christian life as relatively easy, focusing  on the inherent goodness and freedom of the human will. They described the ease with which believers could cooperate with God in achieving salvation. Locke perceived the Christian faith as a belief in Jesus as Messiah, and Moore translates Locke’s words ‘[i]f we do what we can, he will give us his Spirit to help us do what, and how we should’ to meaning that ‘God honors the effort to live a good life by giving us "assistance"’.

Did Mr Knightley and an improved Emma Wood-house together reach salvation? Is his garden their Garden of Eden? 

Is Donwell Abbey Eden?

Moore maintains that Austen is not evangelical in spite of her satire on non-residence and pluralism; he claims that she does not advocate change or criticise the church’s practices or its relationship to the state. He writes that Austen rarely invokes ‘sin’ or ‘evil’, and that she avoids regarding evil as an inherent category; He adds that in her novels, Austen implies the individual’s ability to transform himself or herself by reconnecting with their truer, better nature.

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Moore furthermore draws our attention to the theory of Nikolaus Pevsner, who has suggested that Austen is usually vague when describing buildings, so when she does go into details and sketches a location, this location or building is worth noticing. Austen knew the works of William Gilpin, but contrary to the picturesque, romantic trend of ruined monasteries at the time, she was genuine interested in their religious history. Catherine Morland, for example, is interested in the historical circumstances which led to the Tilneys’ attainment of the Abbey.

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More continues to explain that Austen does not enter into a discussion regarding the treatment of Catholics in England, but that she, in Northanger Abbey, lets the disagreeable character of John Thorpe dismiss Camilla on the grounds that the author Frances Burney had married a French emigrant; by doing so, Moore concludes that Austen had little sympathy with religious intolerance and its result, i.e. xenophobia.

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According to Moore, Donwell Abbey has not been badly improved, and by quoting phrases from Emma, he describes how Donwell Abbey  'retains the "characteristic situation" of a medieval abbey; it is "low and sheltered" as monasteries often were, with "scarcely a sight of the nearby stream, and its environs have not fallen prey to "fashion nor extravagance"’ (E:281).[v] Mr Knightley continues to foster the charity and moral examples that the monasteries ideally offered. Moore suggests that Knightley’s moral authority springs from the fact that as the owner of a former abbey, he is a good steward of its resources and traditional social responsibilities. It also interesting in relation to this paper to read Moore's suggestion that '[b]y firmly connection [Knightley] to the past, she suggests the enduring significance of the values associated with such ancient institutions and their presence on the land and in the ongoing history of England.'[vi]

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Moore concludes that Austen’s 'novels register an interest in the pull of tradition

and in maintaining a connection with England’s pre-Reformation past.'[vii]

 

[i]  Johnson, Tuite, and Moore, ‘27 Religion’, 314.

[ii] Johnson, Tuite, and Moore, 314.

[iii] Le Faye, Jane Austen’s Letters, 177.

[iv] Le Faye, 292.

[v] Johnson, Tuite, and Moore, ‘27 Religion’, 321.

[vi] Johnson, Tuite, and Moore, ‘27 Religion’, 322.

[vii] Johnson, Tuite, and Moore, ‘27 Religion’, 322.

If Mr Knightley is Austen's representation of British values, do his strawberries then form a metonymic image of his 'knightly' values and thus the end result then being

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   strawberry = England, past & present?

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